Topic 1 - Education
1.1 Role and functions of education: functionalist perspectives
Durkheim (1903): education serves two main functions for society.
Parsons (1961): education is a "focal socialising agency" that bridges the family and wider society.
- Secondary socialisation: the family is particularistic (judged by who you are) and ascriptive (status by birth); wider society is universalistic (same rules for all) and achievement-based.
- Meritocracy: education applies universalistic standards - everyone is judged on the same criteria (exams), allowing talent to be identified and rewarded regardless of background.
- Role allocation: education selects pupils for the roles they are best suited to, matching individuals to occupational positions suited to their abilities.
Davis and Moore (1945): education performs role allocation in a stratified society.
- Some roles are more functionally important and require scarce talent; they must be rewarded more highly to attract the most able.
- Education sifts and sorts individuals according to ability; the most talented rise to the top (meritocracy).
- Inequality is therefore functional and inevitable.
Functionalists see education as fair and beneficial. In evaluation, link to Marxist counter-arguments: meritocracy is a myth (Bowles & Gintis), and education reproduces inequality rather than removing it.
1.2 Marxist and conflict perspectives on education
Althusser (1971): education is part of the Ideological State Apparatus (ISA).
- ISA (schools, church, media, family): reproduce class relations through ideology - making inequality appear natural and justified.
- RSA (Repressive State Apparatus: police, army, courts): maintain ruling class power through force.
- Education is now the dominant ISA in capitalist societies, replacing the church. It transmits ruling class ideology and produces a labour force that accepts its own exploitation.
Bowles and Gintis (1976) "Schooling in Capitalist America" - the correspondence principle.
The key term is correspondence principle. Evaluation: Bowles & Gintis are overly deterministic (Willis showed working class boys resist); they ignore the relative autonomy of schools; girls and ethnic minorities are not simply reproduced as passive workers.
1.3 Feminist and New Right perspectives on education
Feminist perspectives: education reproduces patriarchy (male dominance).
- Liberal feminism: the problem is unequal opportunity. Solution: legislation (Sex Discrimination Act 1975); campaigns like GIST (Girls Into Science and Technology) and WISE (Women Into Science and Engineering); curriculum reform to remove gender stereotyping from textbooks. Goal: equality within the existing system.
- Radical feminism: schools as institutions reproduce male dominance - through subject hierarchies (science prestigious, humanities feminine), male-dominated senior leadership, and a curriculum that marginalises women's contributions. More fundamental change is required.
- Marxist feminism: girls are socialised to accept domestic roles that serve capitalism (cheap/unpaid domestic labour).
New Right perspective: Chubb and Moe (1990) "A Lesson in School Reform from Great Britain".
- State monopoly of education is inefficient: schools have no incentive to improve because they receive funding regardless of performance.
- Private schools outperform state schools because they are accountable to parents as consumers.
- Solution: marketisation - introduce market mechanisms (competition between schools, parental choice, per-pupil funding, league tables); this forces schools to improve to attract pupils.
- Evaluation: Gewirtz (1995) - marketisation increases inequality through cream-skimming (selecting the most able pupils) and silt-shifting (excluding difficult or costly pupils); not a level playing field for all parents.
1.4 Social class and achievement: external factors
Material deprivation: poverty directly limits educational outcomes.
- Smith and Noble (1995): identified several "barriers to learning" linked to poverty: lack of books and computers at home; inadequate diet affecting concentration; overcrowded housing (no quiet study space); stress and ill health reducing attendance; inability to afford school trips, uniforms, or equipment.
- The Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2007): persistent links between low income and poor educational outcomes across all stages of schooling.
Cultural deprivation: working class subculture is seen as not valuing education.
Sugarman (1970): working class subculture has four features that are at odds with educational achievement:
Douglas (1964) "The Home and the School": found that working class parents showed less interest in their children's education - less likely to attend parents' evenings or discuss progress with teachers. Lower parental expectations and involvement correlated with lower achievement. (Note: criticism - blames the family rather than structural inequality.)
Bernstein (1971): language codes as a barrier.
Schools operate in the elaborated code: textbooks, exam questions, and teachers all use it. Working class pupils are at a systematic disadvantage because their home language is not the language of school.
Cultural deprivation explanations are criticised as victim-blaming (they locate the problem in working class culture rather than in structural inequalities or school practices). Link to internal factors to show that schools themselves contribute to underachievement.
1.5 Social class and achievement: cultural capital and internal factors
Bourdieu (1984): cultural capital, habitus, and field.
Middle class cultural capital is converted into educational credentials, which are then converted into economic advantage - perpetuating class inequality across generations.
Teacher labelling: Becker (1971) interviewed 60 Chicago teachers and found they judged pupils against an "ideal pupil" standard. Middle class pupils most closely matched this ideal (in appearance, behaviour, and ability); working class and ethnic minority pupils were seen as further from the ideal and labelled accordingly. These labels affect how teachers interact with pupils and the opportunities they offer them.
Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) "Pygmalion in the Classroom" - the self-fulfilling prophecy.
- Tested 650 pupils at an American elementary school (the "Oak School experiment"); told teachers that a random 20% had been identified as "intellectual spurters" likely to show rapid IQ gains.
- Retested 8 months later: the labelled pupils showed significantly greater IQ gains than the control group.
- Mechanism: teachers treated "spurters" differently (warmer interactions, more demanding work, more feedback), and pupils internalised higher expectations, fulfilling the prophecy.
Lacey (1970) "Hightown Grammar": streaming produces differentiation and polarisation.
- Differentiation: teachers rank pupils by ability and behaviour, placing them in streams. Those in lower streams receive less encouragement and fewer resources.
- Polarisation: pupils in high streams adopt a pro-school subculture; pupils in low streams adopt an anti-school subculture, gaining status by rejecting school values.
Willis (1977) "Learning to Labour": an ethnographic study of 12 working class boys ("the lads") in a Midlands secondary school, followed through their last years at school and into the workplace.
- The lads formed a counter-school culture: they valued "having a laff", skiving, and sexism; they saw school as irrelevant and those who worked hard ("ear'oles") as foolish.
- They willingly chose unskilled factory work on leaving school - reproducing their class position.
- Paradox: by exercising what they saw as agency and freedom, the lads were freely reproducing their class position. Willis challenges simple Marxist determinism: working class culture has partial insights (they see through the myth of meritocracy) but ultimately leads to self-defeat.
For internal factors, always distinguish labelling (teacher expectations), self-fulfilling prophecy (how labels become real), and subcultures (pupil responses to labelling). Use Rosenthal & Jacobson for empirical support; use Willis to show active resistance rather than passive reproduction.
1.6 Gender and educational achievement
Since the early 1990s, girls have consistently outperformed boys at GCSE and A-level in the UK. Girls are more likely to go to university and to achieve higher degree classifications.
Reasons for girls' improved achievement:
- Sharpe (1976 vs 1994): in 1976, working class girls prioritised "love, marriage, husbands, children"; by 1994, the same type of girls prioritised "job, career, and being able to support themselves" - a dramatic shift in aspirations driven by feminism and changing female roles in the labour market.
- Legislation and policy: the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) outlawed discrimination in schools; the National Curriculum (1988) reduced subject choice and made science compulsory for girls; GIST and WISE campaigns raised girls' participation in traditionally male subjects.
- Female role models: more women in professional and managerial roles make ambition seem realistic.
- Coursework: girls tend to be more conscientious and organised (Mitsos & Browne, 1998), which advantages them in coursework-based assessment.
Boys' underachievement:
- Epstein (1998): boys who work hard are labelled as "swots" and accused of being feminine by their peers; dominant forms of masculinity define academic effort as incompatible with being male.
- Sewell: argues boys suffer a crisis of masculinity linked to deindustrialisation and the decline of the traditional male breadwinner role; peer culture fills the vacuum with anti-school attitudes; schools have become "feminised" (rewarding methodical, conscientious working). Mac an Ghaill (1996) is often cited alongside on crisis masculinity.
- Francis (2000): laddish subcultures among boys - valuing sport, humour, and risk-taking over academic work; being seen to try is socially costly.
Subject choice: despite overall parity in achievement, girls and boys continue to make gendered subject choices.
- Kelly (1987): science is presented as a masculine subject (male scientists in textbooks, male examples, often taught by male teachers) - discouraging girls from choosing it.
- Gender identity and peer pressure reinforce "appropriate" subject choices: girls towards arts and humanities, boys towards science, technology, engineering, and maths (STEM).
Always use Sharpe (1976 vs 1994) as evidence of changing attitudes - the contrast is a strong exam answer. For boys, distinguish peer culture (Epstein) from structural crisis (Sewell). Note: subject choice shows that gender still shapes education even when attainment gaps close.
1.7 Ethnicity and educational achievement
Patterns: Chinese and Indian heritage pupils consistently outperform the national average at GCSE; Black Caribbean and White working class boys underachieve most significantly.
Wright (1992): classroom interaction study in four multiracial primary schools.
- Asian pupils received less teacher attention; teachers mispronounced names and assumed limited English, giving simpler tasks.
- Afro-Caribbean boys were more likely to be singled out for discipline even when their behaviour was no worse than white peers.
- Covert, unintentional discrimination in everyday classroom interaction.
Gillborn and Youdell (2000) "Rationing Education": the A-to-C economy.
- Teachers directed resources and attention toward pupils on the C/D borderline (educational triage): those expected to pass were helped; "hopeless cases" were written off.
- Black pupils were disproportionately seen as disruptive and placed in lower sets; teacher stereotyping was racialised.
- The A-to-C economy reproduces racial inequalities within apparently rational school management strategies.
Macpherson Report (1999): following the inquiry into the Metropolitan Police's handling of the Stephen Lawrence murder, defined institutional racism as "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes, and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping."
Sewell (1997) "Black Masculinities and Schooling": four responses of Black males to teacher racism and peer group pressure:
For ethnicity, use both internal (teacher labelling, A-to-C economy) and external (material deprivation, cultural factors) explanations. Be careful not to assume ethnicity and class are the same - many ethnic minority underachievement patterns reflect class inequality as much as racism.
1.8 Relationships, processes, and the hidden curriculum
The hidden curriculum: the implicit lessons that schools teach alongside the formal curriculum: how to accept authority, how to queue, how to compete, how to present oneself. Marxists argue it reproduces obedience to capitalism; feminists argue it reproduces patriarchy.
Illich (1971) "Deschooling Society":
- Schools are damaging institutions that suppress natural curiosity and creativity; they create passive, credential-dependent individuals who cannot learn without institutional validation.
- Solution: replace schools with "learning webs" (informal networks of learners, skills exchanges, peer matching) - radical de-institutionalisation of education.
- Evaluation: unrealistic; ignores the social benefits of universal schooling; romanticises self-directed learning.
Marketisation (from 1988 ERA onwards): the introduction of market mechanisms into the state education system.
- Key policies: league tables; formula funding (money follows pupils); parental choice; open enrolment; specialist schools; grant-maintained schools (opting out of LEA control).
- Gewirtz et al. (1995): studied 14 London secondary schools and identified three types of parents: "privileged-skilled choosers" (middle class with the cultural and economic capital to work the system), "semi-skilled choosers" (ambitious but lacking confidence and capital, often frustrated by the system), and "disconnected-local choosers" (working class, restricted by lack of resources and information; choose the nearest school). Marketisation produces cream-skimming (schools select the most able pupils to boost league tables) and silt-shifting (off-loading less able or costly pupils to rival schools).
1.9 Educational policies
| Policy | Key Features | Sociological View |
|---|---|---|
| 1944 Butler Act (tripartite) | Grammar, secondary modern, technical schools; 11-plus exam; free secondary for all. | Functionalist: meritocratic intent. Marxist/feminist: 11-plus culturally biased; in practice reproduced class inequality; few technical schools built. |
| 1965 comprehensives | Labour abolished 11-plus; comprehensive schools serve all abilities in the same institution. | Equality of opportunity aim; but streaming within comprehensives may reproduce inequalities (Lacey). |
| 1988 ERA (Thatcher) | National Curriculum; SATs; league tables; formula funding; open enrolment; CTCs; grant-maintained schools. | New Right: promotes standards through competition. Marxist: marketisation reproduces class inequality (Gewirtz). |
| New Labour (1997-2010) | Sure Start; Education Action Zones; specialist schools; Academies; EMA; Aim Higher. | Attempted to combine equality (Sure Start) with marketisation (Academies); mixed results on closing achievement gaps. |
| Coalition/Conservatives (2010+) | Free Schools; Academy expansion; EMA abolished; EBacc; tuition fees tripled. | Continued and accelerated marketisation; critics argue inequality increased. |
Vocational education: NVQs, GNVQs, BTECs, Apprenticeships. Functionalist view: provides economy with skilled workers. Marxist view: vocational routes reproduce class division - working class pupils are channelled into lower-status, lower-paid roles while middle class pupils access academic routes; the myth of meritocracy is maintained.
Globalisation and educational policy:
- International comparisons such as PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment, run by the OECD) rank countries by pupil performance, creating competitive pressure on governments to reform education.
- Sahlberg (2012) identifies the Global Education Reform Movement (GERM): a worldwide convergence of neoliberal policies including standardised testing, teacher accountability frameworks, marketisation, and private sector involvement. The UK, USA, Australia, and Sweden have all adopted similar reforms regardless of their different contexts.
- Transnational bodies (OECD, World Bank, IMF) export market-based educational models to developing countries, sometimes as conditions attached to loans or aid.
Privatisation is distinct from, though related to, marketisation: it involves private providers directly running or funding state education.
- Endogenous privatisation (Ball, 2007): importing private sector management values into state schools (performance-related pay, target-setting, branding, inter-school competition).
- Exogenous privatisation: private companies delivering publicly funded services or running schools directly (academy chains, private finance initiatives, outsourcing of school services).
- Ball and Youdell (2008) "Hidden Privatisation in Public Education": identify both visible and covert forms of privatisation across state education systems globally.
- Critics (Marxist, feminist): privatisation prioritises profit over educational values; increases inequality; removes democratic accountability from local communities; benefits middle class families who can navigate the market.
1.10 Methods in Context: applying research methods to education
The Methods in Context question (a 20-mark item on Paper 1) asks you to apply a named research method to the study of a particular issue in education. You must link the general strengths and limitations of the method (from Theory and Methods) to the specific features of educational settings: pupils, teachers, classrooms, schools, and parents.
Characteristics of research populations and settings in education:
Applying each method to education:
The mark is earned by linking, not listing: take a strength or limitation of the method and tie it to a specific feature of the educational context (e.g. "young pupils' limited literacy lowers the validity of written questionnaires"). Generic method evaluation with no reference to education scores poorly.
Topic 2 - Theory and Methods
2.1 Sociological perspectives
Functionalism:
- Macro, structural, consensus perspective; society as an organism (organic analogy).
- Durkheim: social facts; collective conscience; suicide rates show social integration; value consensus holds society together.
- Parsons: AGIL (Adaptation, Goal-attainment, Integration, Latency); social system; institutions fulfil functional prerequisites.
- Merton (1949): criticised crude functionalism - not all institutions are functional; some have dysfunctions; latent (unintended) vs manifest (intended) functions.
- Evaluation: ignores conflict and inequality (consensus is imposed, not freely agreed); overly conservative (justifies the status quo); ignores individual agency.
Marxism:
- Macro, structural, conflict perspective.
- Economic base (means and relations of production) shapes the superstructure (law, politics, religion, education, media).
- Bourgeoisie (own means of production) exploit the proletariat (sell labour power); surplus value is extracted.
- False consciousness: workers accept their exploitation as natural; ideology legitimises inequality.
- Gramsci: hegemony - ruling class maintain dominance through consent (cultural leadership) not just force; counter-hegemony is possible.
- Evaluation: ignores gender and ethnicity as sources of inequality; too deterministic; communist states showed Marxist theory did not predict revolution in advanced capitalism.
Feminism - four main types:
Interactionism and ethnomethodology:
- Micro-level; focuses on individual interactions and the meanings people attach to them.
- Weber: Verstehen (empathetic understanding of social action); actors are motivated by subjective meanings.
- Mead and Blumer: symbolic interactionism; society is constructed through shared symbols and meanings in interaction.
- Goffman (1959): dramaturgy; impression management; stigma (1963).
- Garfinkel (1967): ethnomethodology; breaching experiments (violating taken-for-granted norms to expose background assumptions); practical reasoning.
- Evaluation: ignores macro-level structures and power; over-emphasises individuals; the idea of shared meanings is itself questionable.
Modernity and postmodernity:
Postmodernism (as a theoretical perspective):
- Lyotard (1984) "The Postmodern Condition": rejects metanarratives (grand theories claiming to explain all social life - Marxism, functionalism, feminism). In a postmodern world, no single theory can capture the complexity of fragmented social identities.
- Baudrillard (1983): hyperreality and simulacra - the media and consumer culture produce signs that have no reference to any underlying reality; the distinction between the real and the representation collapses.
- Foucault: power/knowledge - power is diffused throughout society, not just held by a ruling class; discourses define what counts as truth.
- Evaluation: if all views are equally valid, postmodernism cannot claim its own view is true (self-refuting); relativism makes it impossible to identify or challenge oppression.
The New Right:
- Macro, structural perspective combining neo-liberal free-market economics with social conservatism; emerged as a dominant political and social theory from the 1970s-80s (Thatcher, Reagan).
- Emphasis on individual responsibility, market competition, reduced welfare state, and traditional family values.
- Murray (1984) "Losing Ground": welfare dependency creates an underclass - a stratum characterised by a culture of poverty, long-term unemployment, single parenthood, and welfare reliance. State benefits create perverse incentives and undermine self-reliance.
- In education: Chubb and Moe (1990) - state education is a monopoly that has no incentive to improve; marketisation and parental choice will drive up standards (see 1.3).
- Evaluation: ignores structural causes of poverty and unemployment; the underclass concept is criticised as racist and victim-blaming (Marxists, feminists); market reforms increase inequality (Gewirtz); Murray's evidence drawn largely from the USA may not transfer to the UK.
2.2 Sociology and science: positivism, interpretivism, Popper, Kuhn
Positivism (Comte and Durkheim):
- Sociology should be modelled on the natural sciences; study social facts (external, objective, constraining - e.g. suicide rates, crime rates).
- Use quantitative methods to identify cause-and-effect relationships (correlations and regularities).
- Aim for value freedom and objectivity; personal values should not influence the research process.
- Durkheim's Suicide (1897): used official statistics across countries to identify social causes of suicide (integration and regulation) - a model of positivist sociology.
Interpretivism (Weber):
- Social life is fundamentally different from the natural world: people have consciousness and meanings.
- Verstehen (empathetic understanding): the sociologist must understand the subjective meanings that actors attach to their actions.
- Qualitative methods (interviews, observation) are better suited to uncovering meaning.
- Anti-positivist: social "facts" are social constructions - suicide statistics reflect coroners' interpretations, not objective realities (Douglas, 1967).
Popper (1959) "The Logic of Scientific Discovery" - falsificationism:
- A theory is scientific only if it is falsifiable: it must specify conditions under which it would be proved wrong.
- Demarcation criterion: distinguishes science (falsifiable) from non-science (not falsifiable).
- Marxism and psychoanalysis are unfalsifiable (any evidence can be incorporated; they are never proved wrong) - therefore not scientific.
- Science advances by conjectures and refutations: bold hypotheses tested and either corroborated or falsified.
Kuhn (1962) "The Structure of Scientific Revolutions" - paradigms:
- Science operates within a paradigm: a shared framework of assumptions, methods, and standards (e.g. Newtonian physics).
- Normal science: solving puzzles within the paradigm; anomalies are ignored or explained away.
- When anomalies accumulate, a paradigm shift (scientific revolution) occurs and a new paradigm replaces the old (e.g. Copernicus replacing geocentrism).
- Sociology lacks a single shared paradigm (it is pre-paradigmatic); different theoretical perspectives compete without consensus - making sociology less scientific by this criterion.
Keat and Urry (1975) - realism: sociology can be scientific even if it studies unobservable social mechanisms (class, patriarchy, ideology), just as physics studies unobservable forces (gravity, electrons). The key is identifying generative mechanisms that explain observable patterns.
In sociology of knowledge questions, contrast positivism (sociology as natural science, social facts, quantitative methods) with interpretivism (Verstehen, social action, qualitative methods). Use Popper to assess whether sociology is scientific; use Kuhn to assess whether any science (natural or social) is as objective as positivists claim.
2.3 Quantitative research methods
Primary and secondary data:
Methods may generate quantitative data (numerical, statistical) or qualitative data (words, meanings, descriptions), or both. The choice between primary/secondary and quantitative/qualitative depends on PET considerations and the theoretical perspective of the researcher.
Surveys and structured questionnaires:
Structured interviews: interviewer reads standardised questions; responses coded quantitatively.
- Higher response rate than postal surveys; allows clarification of questions; but interviewer effects possible (respondents may answer differently face-to-face).
- Positivists prefer: high reliability; large samples; generalisable.
Official statistics: produced by governments and public bodies (crime rates, birth/death rates, unemployment, school achievement data).
- Positivist view: treat as objective social facts; can be used to identify patterns and test hypotheses; Durkheim used suicide statistics to demonstrate social causes.
- Interpretivist critique: statistics are social constructions. Douglas (1967) "The Social Meanings of Suicide": coroners interpret deaths differently based on social context; what counts as suicide varies; Durkheim's statistics reflect social definitions, not objective reality. Atkinson (1978): coroners use common-sense theories of suicide when reaching verdicts.
- Dark figure of crime: not all crimes are reported, recorded, or detected; official crime statistics undercount real crime levels.
Experiments:
Comparative method (Durkheim): using official statistics to compare across societies or social groups as a substitute for the laboratory experiment. High reliability but low validity (statistics may not be comparable across countries).
2.4 Qualitative research methods
Unstructured interviews:
- Open-ended; conversation-like; allows respondent to guide the discussion; uncovers rich, valid data about meanings and experiences.
- Oakley (1981) "Interviewing Women": feminist critique of traditional "masculine" interviewing (distant, objective, exploitative). Oakley advocated a friendship model - emotional involvement, answering participants' questions in return, treating them as equals rather than objects of study. Higher validity for research on women's experiences.
- Limitations: time-consuming; small samples; not representative; not replicable (low reliability); interviewer effects; interpretivists accept this as inevitable.
Participant observation (PO):
Willis (1977) "Learning to Labour": overt PO (with some covert elements) of 12 working class boys in a Midlands school over their final years of schooling and into work; supplemented by interviews and documentary evidence, an example of triangulation.
Stages of PO: getting in (negotiating access, gatekeepers); staying in (building trust, going native risk); getting out (leaving the field).
Documents:
- Primary documents: produced by participants (diaries, letters, photographs); high validity (personal meanings).
- Secondary documents: newspapers, official reports, historical records.
- Thomas and Znaniecki (1918-20) "The Polish Peasant in Europe and America": used personal letters, diaries, and life histories of Polish immigrants; pioneer of the use of documents in sociology.
- Scott's (1990) four criteria for assessing documents:
2.5 PET: practical, ethical, and theoretical considerations; values in sociology
Relationship between theory and methods: the theoretical perspective a sociologist holds shapes the methods they choose and the data they trust.
Practical considerations: time and cost; researcher's skills and access; characteristics of the research population; sample size needed; danger to researcher (e.g. Patrick, 1973 - covert study of violent gang).
Ethical considerations: the BSA (British Sociological Association) guidelines (2002) require:
- Informed consent: participants must know they are being studied and agree freely.
- Confidentiality and anonymity: identities and personal information must be protected.
- Protection from harm: participants must not be put at physical, psychological, or social risk.
- Right to withdraw: participants can leave the study at any time.
Covert research debate: Homan (1991) - justified if the issue is important enough and no other access is available; deception may be the only way to study powerful or deviant groups. Bulmer (1982) - always wrong because it violates autonomy and may damage trust in sociology as a discipline.
Theoretical considerations:
Triangulation (Denzin, 1970): using more than one method to study the same topic; cross-validates findings and compensates for the weaknesses of each method. Willis (1977) used PO, interviews, and documents together. Types: methodological triangulation, data triangulation, researcher triangulation.
Values in sociology:
- Weber: sociologists should strive for value freedom (Wertfreiheit) - separating personal values from the research process; values inevitably enter the choice of topic but methods and reporting should be objective.
- Gouldner (1962) "Anti-Minotaur: The Myth of Value-Free Sociology": values are unavoidable at every stage - choice of topic (reflecting researcher's interests), funding sources (shaping what is studied), interpretation of data, and who benefits from findings. Value freedom is a myth.
- Becker (1967) "Whose Side Are We On?": all sociological research is value-laden; sociologists should be transparent about their values and should take the side of the powerless and marginalised (the "hierarchy of credibility" - those at the top of society are automatically believed; sociology can challenge this).
- Feminist values: Oakley (1981) - traditional positivist research methods are "masculine" (exploitative, distant, objective); feminist methods should be empowering, involve emotional involvement, and treat participants as subjects not objects.
- Postmodernism: all research is a partial perspective; there is no objective truth; reflexivity (awareness of researcher's own position) is the best response.
Sociology and social policy:
- Fabian tradition (Webb, Booth, Rowntree): reformist; sociology should inform social policy to improve society; positivist research identifies problems for government to solve.
- New Right: uses sociological research to argue against welfare expansion (Murray on the underclass); wants market-based solutions.
- Marxist critique: reformist sociology only tinkers at the edges; cannot address structural inequality under capitalism; research that informs the state may ultimately serve ruling class interests.
- Becker: whose problems are identified, and whose solutions are adopted, reflects power structures - sociology is not politically neutral.
In PET questions, use the formula: practical (time, cost, access, skills), ethical (BSA - consent, confidentiality, harm), theoretical (validity, reliability, representativeness). Always link PET to the specific method being assessed. For values questions, contrast Weber (value freedom possible) with Gouldner (it's a myth) and Becker (take sides).